Voices from the field

Voice from the field 1

Evictions of pastoralists in Tanzania

Edward Porokwa, Pastoralists Indigenous Non-Governmental Organizations (PINGO)’s Forum, Tanzania

Pastoralists from Maasai communities are suffering from evictions, threats, and violations of their rights. Here are some examples.

In 2022, the creation of the Pololeti Game Reserve transformed 1,500 km2 of legally recognized village land into a restricted conservation site. The state also developed a systematic strategy of “impoverishment by fines” to drain the community of its only capital—livestock. Pastoralists had to pay to recover their livestock from auctions after the animals were seized for grazing in protected areas. A similar situation occurred around the Losimingori Forest Reserve, where pastoralist access to grazing areas and forest resources was restricted.

Another serious violation took place around Kilimanjaro International Airport, where over 20,000 residents lost homes and rainwater collection tanks, and schools and were forced to accept low “compensation”. Sacred sites, such as Endonyo Olmorwak and social services are now behind airport fences.

This situation has not ended. There are at least 15 new areas proposed as Game Reserves, limiting access to grazing and settlement areas. Additionally, according to a PINGO’s Forum study, the project of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline lacked full consultation and compensation processes and has already had negative impacts. Maasai villages are also being targeted for soil carbon credit projects, which restrict land use for grazing and mobility. In 2025, Indigenous civil society organizations called for a moratorium on these projects, but the proponents continued to push communities and pressure district leaders to sign agreements.

These current and future enforcement practices are only increasing vulnerability, dependency, and long-term insecurity for pastoral communities.

Voices from the field 2

Pastoral Code in Chad

Hindou Oumarou Ibrahim, Association des Femmes Peules et Peuples Autochtones du Chad (Indigenous Women and Peoples’ Association of Chad) – AFPAT, Chad – WAMIP Central Africa

Chad is one of the countries that has adopted a Pastoral Code. The Code was sanctioned in 2015, but it was not considered appropriate by many members of society, therefore it was rejected. Currently, the code is being discussed again, but the country’s Ministry of Livestock holds a different view regarding helders, nomadic people and pastoralist.

Despite this, Chad has good practices regarding pastoralism. It is the only country in Africa with a special education for nomadic children. This education system was based on a study done by in 2010 through a collaboration between experts from pastoralist communities, the Ministry of Education, and the Ministry of Livestock.

Chad also has a specific health system for pastoralists, which includes care for livestock and humans. They are combined in the health system to ensure that the needs of the communities are taken into consideration.

Another important initiative has been developed by AFPAT. We combined Indigenous Peoples’ knowledge from the nomadic and semi-nomadic communities and scientific knowledge to create participatory maps that help demarcate and establish land rights, as well as manage and share natural resources. Over 600 community leaders participated, and we managed to protect more than 500,000 hectares, including villages, nomadic livelihoods and areas such as the islands around Lake Chad. The participatory mapping also helped us secure land rights for women, build income-generating activities, and reduce conflicts over resources between farmers and pastoralists.

Voices from the field 3

Land and mining: New struggles for Mongolia’s pastoralists

Ariell Ahearn, Steps without Borders, Mongolia

Mongolia is home to thousands of families for whom nomadic pastoralism is a core livelihood strategy. However, mining development in many parts of the country is generating severe negative impacts for pastoralists.

In Dundgovi Province, a woman pastoralist told us her story. She was born and raised in a place called Gurvanbulgiin Khets, 50–60 kilometres from where she currently lives with her family. She learned everything from her mother, then married a neighbour and started their own household. In her community, livelihoods depended on livestock: “To live well, one must rely on the blessings of the livestock and the land. If a herder works hard, life shines brighter, and livestock give more benefits in return. A person’s life shines among others when they work and contribute to the community.” She taught her children and grandchildren in the same way, and she said they want to return and take over the family livelihood, “but the mining companies are surrounding us and enclosing the pastureland.”

Since the mining companies arrived, she has noticed that drinking water has become scarce, the climate has become drier, and the land has been dug up. Livestock suffer when they are forced to leave their grazing areas: “Tears well up in their eyes, and they run away. When they return to the old pasture, they roll around — even livestock miss their homeland.” Herders are also experiencing threats, online persecution, and intimidation if they speak out against the mining industry.

Their traditional way of life is disappearing: animals can no longer graze freely, and diseases — mainly lung problems — have increased. “We really don’t know what kind of long-term harm it may cause to future generations or to the animals’ offspring,” she told us sadly. She also had to migrate with her livestock, moving more than a thousand kilometres from province to province until they found a place to stay.

Nomadic culture has also been affected, but families are fighting to keep it alive: “Even if it’s far away, we still try to come back and perform the rituals. If it’s a sacred mountain, we try to visit and pay respect, then leave again. For Mongolian herders, preserving this nomadic lifestyle is vital. I don’t think Western-style farming will work in Mongolia.”

Voices from the field 4

Conflict management initiatives in Cameroon

Ali Ali Shatou, Mbororo Pastoralists (Cameroon), Mbororo Social and Cultural Development Association (MBOSCUDA), WAMIP Central Africa

Various initiatives have been developed by governments, civil society organizations, and other partners to address agropastoral conflicts and strengthen pastoral governance.

The Mbororo Social and Cultural Development Association (MBOSCUDA) established community dialogue platforms to facilitate communication between farmers, pastoralists, traditional leaders, and local authorities. These platforms have reduced tensions, promoted peaceful coexistence, and resolved land-use conflicts.

Another important initiative is the Peaceful Transhumance and Development of Pastoral Economy in the Lake Chad Region, which spans several countries in the region, including Cameroon. This initiative aims to strengthen community dialogue mechanisms and enhance cooperation for cross-border pastoral mobility.

A significant policy framework is the 2019 N’Djamena Declaration on Transhumance, which was signed by the governments of Central and West Africa. The declaration calls for securing transhumance corridors, promoting sustainable management, improving coordination between security and environmental authorities, and strengthening conflict prevention mechanisms between pastoralists and farmers.

However, women’s participation remains limited in discussions and decision-making processes. Even when women are present, cultural norms and gender power dynamics often prevent them from contributing to the dialogue. Therefore, other interventions seek to strengthen pastoral livelihoods and reduce economic vulnerability, especially among women. MBOSCUDA supports women in integrating small ruminant production with agroecological farming practices, including crop cultivation and household gardens. Other projects promote value addition, entrepreneurship development, and financial literacy.

Voices from the field 5

Asia pastoralist women’s gathering – MERA+15

Megha Sheth, South Asia Pastoral Alliance (India) and WAMIP South Asia

Last December, more than 350 pastoralist women from nine Asian countries gathered in Guarat, India, for the “Rising Recognition” event, marking 15 years since the MERA Declaration emerged from the first-ever global gathering of pastoralist women in 2010.

This regional gathering was a celebration of pastoralist women as economic leaders, biodiversity custodians, and keepers of knowledge. During our three-day meeting, we revisited the MERA Declaration, through deep regional and subregional discussions. Participation, solidarity, and support allow us to collectively reclaim space, memory, and voice, especially now that it is the International Year of Rangelands and Pastoralists (IYRP) and the International Year of the Women Farmer (IYWF). Five themes emerged: 1) recognition, dignity and protection of pastoralist women; 2) defence of mobility, grazing lands and safety; 3) acknowledgement of women’s role as environmental custodians; 4) access to social and economic justice; 5) strengthening of our governance, representation, and leadership.

After the event, we returned to our communities and continued these dialogues, sharing, refining, and strengthening our perspectives. Finally, we adopted the Asian Pastoralist Women’s Declaration: MERA+15, which reaffirms that our expertise must shape land, climate, and environmental governance at all levels.

Our hope is to keep walking together toward and beyond IYRP2026, making sure our voices are heard, and valued. We claim rights over our lives, livelihoods, and territories because it is our way of life.

Credits: Maldhari Rural Action Group (MARAG), South Asia Pastoral Alliance and WAMIP

Voices from the field 6

Scientists in support of pastoralism

Carlos Bolomey, History and Geography Department, University of Tarapacá, Chile / Collective of Agrarian Scholar-Activists from the South (CASAS)

Pastoralism deserves a science that commits to pastoralist struggles. Where pastoralism is practised, scientists looking at these realities must aim to identify the gaps that constrain these communities and prevent them from unlocking their potential. At the same time, those scientists involved in training professionals and teaching undergraduate and postgraduate courses related to rural development and veterinary science must use their influence within their institutions to advocate for the inclusion of pastoralists’ worldviews. For example, this can be done through ethnoveterinary approaches, rural sociology or any discipline that will endow professionals with the empathy and sensibility needed when working in these settings. As such, they will be less likely to reproduce practices associated with the livestock revolution[1], which make little sense in pastoralist contexts.

Scientists working with pastoralist communities should acknowledge and give credit to their heritage, while also sounding the alarm when intensive livestock production co-opts and instrumentalises pastoral knowledge and practices. This is especially relevant when industrial livestock enterprises use labels such as “free roaming” or “grass-fed” to advertise production methods that remain environmentally and socially damaging.

Because institutions often poorly understand these communities, planning can overlook them, leaving pastoral territories vulnerable to land grabbing for conservation parks, mining, or renewable energy projects. Along this vein, scientists who build alliances with pastoral communities should engage directly with these threats and adopt rights-based approaches by socialising instruments such as UNDROP, International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention 169 or national laws that seek to protect pastoral livelihoods.

Scientific work in pastoral territories must remain in communication with the needs, concerns and claims expressed by pastoralists themselves. Science has the capacity to inform public debate and raise awareness about contentious issues that, at first sight, may appear to be environmental or development initiatives. These include, for example, the legal protection of wild predators without consideration of pastoralist livelihoods, the creation of conservation parks that restrict customary land use or sedentarisation efforts. In other words, extractivist science that seeks only to publish academic outputs without bringing pastoralist concerns to the front and centre should be discouraged. Participatory action research emerges as a feasible way to address this concern, since it seeks to foster the empowerment of local actors and to produce socially meaningful knowledge. Meanwhile, science must remain reflective about its own practices. This might involve, approaching pastoral communities through transdisciplinary frameworks that value “scientific expertise” and local pastoralist knowledge on equal terms.


[1] The “livestock revolution” describes both the rapid increase in demand for animal-source foods in the Global South and the transition of livestock production systems from smallholder, multi-purpose models to specialized, intensive, and geographically concentrated industrial production.

Boxes

Box 1

A new narrative for pastoralism

The current policy and discussions surrounding pastoralism are full of myths and misconceptions. Such misconceptions apply as much to environmental management debates in Africa as they do to the reform of the European Common Agricultural Policy in the UK and more broadly across Europe. A new narrative could help us to better understand who pastoralists are, where and how they live, and what their needs are.

The PASTRES (Pastoralism, Uncertainty and Resilience) programme has worked to create a new narrative about pastoralism, identifying the core principles that form the basis of successful pastoralism. This narrative emphasises the importance of flexible mobility in adapting to variability and environmental changes. Furthermore, extensive, mobile livestock systems are not necessarily detrimental to the environment and provide an essential source of protein and nutrients. Pastoralists are highly engaged in local, embedded, networked markets. Their local systems of early warning and disaster prevention are highly reliable but require support. Finally, pastoralism does not increase conflict—it is the long-term neglect of pastoral areas that drives it.

Thus, we can define pastoralism as modern, mobile and productive, and an “asset to the world”, with pastoralists as “reliability professionals” who form part of a global “critical infrastructure” of pastoralist systems.

For more info, check the PASTRES programme. This article is based on this content.

Box 2

Pastoralists and climate change

Livestock are a major contributor to greenhouse gases and, consequently, climate change. However, not all livestock systems are the same. PASTRES research distinguishes between industrial and extensive mobile systems, such as pastoralism. Without this distinction, pastoralists are unfairly blamed for environmental destruction, which distorts the policy debate and results in injustices.

Pastoralism can be a low-impact system and can even contribute to carbon sequestration. Pastoralists produce animal products with a low environmental impact for millions of people, using extensive rangelands which cannot be used for other food production without significant investment.

Living with and from variability is central to pastoral livelihoods, however, climate change still affects them. All too often, resilience programmes argue that pastoralists should seek alternative, ‘diversified’ livelihoods. However, these programmes usually imply external interventions, risk modelling and tracking, and early warning systems that rarely work. The information generated is not used, the systems are not trusted, they are poorly directed, and the proposed interventions do not support pastoralists’ own capacities to respond to shocks and stresses.

Nevertheless, major investments are required to support pastoralists in the context of climate change. A processual resilience approach should be implemented that encompasses flexible, mobile livelihoods and is aligned with the resilience-building strategies of pastoralists themselves. This approach requires building on the networks, relationships and social fabric on which pastoralism is based, as well as considering the practices of local reliability professionals. In this way, resilience emerges from the continuous reconfiguration of relationships, both human and non-human, and between people, labour, rangelands, herds, and flocks.

For more info check the PASTRES Project. This article is based on this content.

In the spotlight

The road towards pastoralists’ rights

In the context of multiple global crises, tensions arising from environmental changes, land grabbing and agri-food systems are affecting pastoralism. Promoting, preserving and advocating for the protection of rights is a necessary (though not sufficient) condition for ensuring the sustainability of pastoralist families worldwide. To this end, over the past few decades, pastoralist organisations and their allies have been raising the profile of pastoralism in various global forums.

In the long struggle for pastoralist rights, two international instruments emerged to protect rural people, including pastoralists. The first is the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), adopted in 2007. It is a key legal instrument for protecting the core elements of pastoral governance, including territory, collective identity and customary institutions, leadership and law, to the extent that pastoralists identify themselves as Indigenous Peoples. The UNDRIP also includes ‘process rights’, establishing special participation and consultation procedures for the implementation of large-scale projects that could affect the land and territories of Indigenous Peoples. The aim is to ensure self-determination within development programmes.

The second instrument is the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas (UNDROP), which was adopted in 2018. UNDROP is currently the only instrument of international law that explicitly covers almost all definitions of pastoralism. It calls on states to respect, protect and fulfil the rights and exercise of these rights, free from any kind of discrimination, and to take all necessary measures to ensure that non-state actors respect these rights. The declaration also ensures the right of mobile pastoralists to land, territories and other natural resources, as well as their management. UNDROP considers environmental integrity not as a background condition, but as a core prerequisite for the exercise of all other rights. States shall take appropriate measures to promote and protect traditional knowledge, innovations, and practices relevant to the conservation and sustainable use of natural resources. Furthermore, UNDROP recognises customary tenure systems and protects pastoralists against arbitrary displacement and eviction, ensuring their right to traditional grazing lands and migration routes. On this last point, UNDROP establishes freedom of movement, as well as the state’s obligation to facilitate mobility and address transboundary tenure issues. Another important issue it addresses is the right to food and food sovereignty, including participation in relevant decision-making processes on food policies. Lastly, this instrument includes the right to access education, participation, association, information and justice, particularly for women.

Mobile pastoralists can use the UNDROP as a legal and political tool to strengthen their protection and visibility. Acknowledging these rights is also important for designing concrete advocacy strategies to achieve effective implementation.

Another recent milestone in the recognition of pastoralists occurred at the Nyéléni Forum in Kandy, Sri Lanka, in 2025. Although pastoralists have been included in alliances, alongside other groups, such as peasants, family farmers and fisherfolk, in the discourse on food sovereignty since 2007, they have not fully engaged with it. Last year, over 700 participants from around the world gathered in Kandy to develop a Common Political Action Agenda (CPAA). Following the World Alliance of Mobile Indigenous Peoples & Pastoralists (WAMIP) consultations and lobbying efforts, pastoralist perspectives were incorporated into Sections 3 and 4 of the CPAA, as well as the Final Declaration. The Kandy Declaration guides struggles for food sovereignty, health, a social and solidarity economy, climate and gender justice, and people’s rights. It recognises pastoralists as guardians and defenders of the commons, wild flora and fauna, and calls for the strengthening of their rights and movements globally in order to confront the impunity and power of transnational corporations and other exploitative actors.

The Nyéléni Forum provided a collaborative space in which to develop key elements of the International Year of Rangelands and Pastoralists (IYRP) in 2026, including the Global Action Plan, regional and global activities, and communication strategies and messages. The aim of celebrating the IYRP is to raise public awareness of the societal value of rangelands and pastoralists, to promote pastoralist knowledge and innovation and to encourage coalition building. The IYRP also seeks to advocate for policies and legislation that support the sustainable use of rangelands and the livelihoods of pastoralists. To this end, regional and targeted meetings (e.g. women and young people) have been taking place throughout the year to develop proposals and future courses of action.

Following the conclusion of these regional processes, Mongolia will host the Global Pastoralist Gathering and Conference in August, which will bring together around 300 delegates from pastoralist organisations across 102 countries. During the Global Pastoralist Gathering the regional outcomes will be consolidate and validated, elevating them to the level of global policy. The event will also generate the Supporting Declaration for Joint Action from civil society organisations, scientists and governments. This declaration will include policy, research, financing, capacity building and assistance commitments at national and regional levels. The final documents will be presented at the 17th Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD COP 17), alongside other events organised to promote dialogue with parties and partners and to mobilise commitments for follow-up actions.

Progress in recognising and promoting the rights of pastoralists has been gradual and sustained over time and new developments must continually be driven forward.

Newsletter no 64 – Editorial

Pastoralism at the crossroads: between struggles and recognition

Pastoral ecosystems are found in areas with the most extreme agroecological conditions on the planet. There, since ancient times, pastoralist communities have adapted livestock husbandry to the cycles of nature, producing food, stewarding biodiversity, and sustaining life where others cannot.

Today, climate change and deepening environmental crises are making life and production in these territories increasingly difficult. Meanwhile, pastoralist communities face escalating violence, dispossession, and displacement driven by land grabbing, extractivist projects, infrastructure expansion, industrial agriculture, and even conservation schemes imposed without free, prior, and informed consent.

In response, pastoralist organizations around the world are building powerful alliances, reclaiming collective control over lands and commons, developing innovative strategies and forging scientific collaborations that center—rather than erase—local and ancestral knowledge. Together, communities and allies are producing evidence to confront corporations that plunder community resources and demanding binding policies and rights that protect pastoralist peoples and territories.

In this context, the declaration of 2026 as the International Year of Rangelands and Pastoralists is an important recognition of the crucial role pastoral ecosystems and pastoralist communities play in sustaining life on the planet. This year should go beyond mere recognition. It must become a political turning point—a moment to confront ongoing injustices, deliver long-denied rights, and amplify the struggles, knowledge, and transformative power rising from pastoralist communities across the world.

World Alliance of Mobile Indigenous Peoples & Pastoralists (WAMIP)

Voices from the fields

Voices from the field 1

Zainal Arifin Fuat, Serikat Petani, Indonesia

Current geopolitical and geo-economic tensions are reshaping trade relations and food systems across Southeast Asia. Trade policy is increasingly used as a strategic tool by powerful economies, placing pressure on countries in the region to open markets and adjust domestic regulations. US reciprocal tariff policies affect Indonesia, Vietnam, Thailand, and Malaysia, which are urged to negotiate concessions to maintain export market access. These developments carry significant implications for agriculture and rural livelihoods, particularly for small-scale food producers facing volatile prices and unequal market access.

Indonesia’s Agreement on Reciprocal Trade (ART) with the US illustrates the asymmetrical nature of emerging trade arrangements. While Indonesia is expected to increase imports of US agricultural commodities such as soybeans, wheat, and beef, Indonesian exports remain subject to tariffs and changing trade provisions that would favor the U.S but without equivalent guarantees for Indonesia. The agreement also obligates Indonesia to align with certain US trade restrictions toward other countries, raising concerns for state and food sovereignty.

For small-scale food producers across Southeast Asia, reciprocal tariff pressures and trade liberalization will intensify import competition, depress farm-gate prices, and weaken local food systems. These dynamics risk deepening dependency on global markets and undermining the ability of states to protect domestic agriculture. Defending food sovereignty requires reclaiming policy space to protect peasants, regulate imports, and strengthen local and agroecological food systems.

The conflict in West Asia, though geographically distant, significantly impacts Indonesia through soaring production costs. Rising global oil prices affect production and peasant welfare, as well as distribution by peasant cooperatives. Since oil is vital to food production and distribution for farming families, fuel price increases directly threaten agricultural viability.

Indonesian agriculture remains in transition from conventional to agroecological systems, meaning fertilizers are not yet fully produced domestically. High reliance on imported fertilizers substantially increases production input costs. Fuel price surges will destabilize food prices. With government food reserves still not sovereign, those most affected will be urban communities and peasants lacking sufficient food stocks. Food sovereignty and agroecological agriculture are essential responses to these cascading crises.

Voices from the field 2

Jose Maria Oviedo, National Union of Costa Rican Agricultural Producers (UNAG), Costa Rica / CLOC-La Vía Campesina

From a geopolitical perspective, the war in Iran highlights that the United States believes the world should belong to them and that they must hold power over all nations. They justify attacking Iran by claiming a need to destroy the region’s military capabilities, especially ballistic missiles, and to eliminate nuclear weapons. They also insist on changing Iran’s regime for supporting what they label as Western adversaries.

We have seen how the US believes that America is synonymous with the United States, where any government that disagrees with US policies must be intervened upon or invaded. For instance, Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela serves as a recent example. Countries like Cuba, Nicaragua, Mexico, and Panama have all faced threats for not adhering to American directives.

Economically, the conflict in the West Asia — a region producing twenty percent of the world’s oil—has serious implications. Rising oil prices could lead to global inflation and even famine due to the significant impact on economies, including China’s. With China as a major wheat producer, shortages in grains could result from this situation, exacerbating food scarcity.

We argue that the US empire is collapsing. Historical examples, like Jimmy Carter’s attempts at positive alliances with China in 1979, contrast sharply with the US focus on global warfare. The financial toll of these wars has reportedly cost the American public 300 billion dollars, which has not been invested in the US or in community development globally.

Economically, we anticipate a significant US fiscal deficit (government spending higher than tax income), along with increased tariffs on exports to the US, particularly affecting Central America. As many countries in our region depend on oil imports, inflation poses a critical challenge. The depreciation of the dollar and efforts to appreciate it further threaten to escalate global inflation, making the situation even more precarious for nations reliant on imported oil.

Voices from the field 3

Andoni García, Euskal Herriko Nekazarien Elkartasuna – EHNE Bizkaia, Spain

The EU’s trade policy, starting with the General Agreement on Tariffs Trade (GATT) and the inclusion of agriculture and food in the WTO, has been decisive in agricultural and food policy and has had devastating consequences for small farmers. This subordination eliminated the market and price regulation instruments that the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) contained until 1992. Despite the WTO’s failure, the EU has pursued Free Trade Agreements without restraint, where agriculture and internal markets have been bargaining chips.

Opening to international markets, reducing tariffs, lowering prices for farmers, and the EU’s aggressive agroexport policy has caused a severe reduction in millions of small farmers. From 2013 to 2023, five million farms were lost in the EU. The EU and its agroexport policy have been directly responsible for speculative escalation on food globally. The agricultural model in the EU is increasingly agroindustrial and based on economies of scale.

Yet the EU is also less food self-sufficient today, as its food sovereignty and strategic autonomy are subordinated to Free Trade Agreements and the economic interests of elites embedded in globalization. In the previous legislature, the EU addressed how to respond to climate, environmental, biodiversity, energy, and food crises through the European Green Deal, Farm to Fork Strategy, and Biodiversity initiatives—though without questioning its trade policy.

The fragility of these approaches and their contradiction with international trade lobbies has become evident in the new geopolitical situation. The EU is backtracking on its political stance to address crises and strongly pursues Free Trade Agreements to project strength globally, yet this crumbles when its subordination to the US in decision-making becomes apparent. The European Commission has proposed, for the EU budget from 2028 onward, increasing military spending while decreasing support for farmers. The CAP and environmental protection policies are rapidly retreating.

Additionally, the European Commission has accelerated Free Trade Agreements, disregarding European Parliament decisions and widespread farmer opposition. And now, the US and Israeli attacks on Iran, triggering a war with global repercussions, have sparked fierce speculation on fuel, production costs, and food—again exposing risks to food sovereignty, food access, and the fragility of globalized food systems caused by EU policies.

Voices from the field 4

Annette Hiatt, National Family Farm Coalition/Land Loss Prevention Project, USA

Multilateral and international trade agreements often heavily impact small producers, but do not benefit or engage small producers. Many small farmers, such as those in North Carolina (southeast region of the US), are not directly involved in international trade, but the decisions made behind closed doors at the international level to shape and influence power relationships have a direct impact on those same growers and the communities they live in.

In January, it was estimated that trade tariffs could have a devastating impact on North Carolina’s agricultural economy with $1.2 billion in revenue losses and a possible loss of 8000 jobs. In the absence of price support for small-scale producers, the erratic use of trade tariffs can mean smallholders get further pitted against large-scale corporate agriculture for access to domestic markets.

More than 50% of North Carolina farms operate on less than fifty acres and more than 50% of farmers make less than $10,000 annually from farming. These are not the farmers engaging in international export, but often are the bedrock of local food systems feeding their communities. But they feel, deeply, that groceries cost more, and the costs for inputs, like fuel and fertilizer are rising. With farmers’ costs of production systematically exceeding the prices they are paid, mounting farm debt is pushing our small producers—the root of our rural communities—off the land. Those same small farmers hold the key to resilience and community building but are treated like pawns in a game and there is little value placed on production that also builds our local economies. Trade policy should strengthen the livelihoods of our small farmers and rural communities, facilitate land access and food sovereignty, and allow for stewardship that supports resilient and agroecological food production in the USA and abroad.

Boxes

Box 1

A new international trade framework that works for all

At the 3rd Nyéléni Global Forum held in September 2025 in Sri Lanka, La Via Campesina laid out the essential principles for a Global Framework on Agricultural Trade Based on Food Sovereignty.

Guided by the foundational definition of food sovereignty established at the 2007 Nyéléni Global Forum and grounded in international human rights law, this framework articulates an ethical paradigm for trade that prioritizes human dignity, environmental justice, and democratic governance of food systems at all levels—local, regional, and global.

It asserts that all trade mechanisms must be designed to respect the inalienable rights of peoples and nations to determine their own agricultural and food policies, recognizing food as a fundamental human right rather than a commodity.

It firmly emphasizes that trade mechanisms shall neither be weaponized nor subordinate basic rights to commercial interests. Instead, trade shall be reconstituted as an instrument of mutual benefit, replacing exploitative practices with equitable exchange and shared prosperity among nations.

Integral to this vision is the commitment to protecting the planet by preserving biological diversity and respecting planetary limits, recognizing the crucial roles of Indigenous Peoples as custodians of ecosystems, and advancing regional food systems alongside agroecological methods rather than corporate-controlled supply chains.

It insists that such a global trade framework must be inclusive, transparent, equitable, and empowering; it shall prioritize and protect small-scale food producers (farmers, farmworkers, fishers, pastoralists) and food system workers, Indigenous Peoples, and historically marginalized groups, with particular attention to women and gender minorities.

It calls for a system of trade governance that ensures decent incomes and safe working conditions across food systems, democratic participation in trade decision-making, public accountability in market operations, and strong market regulation.

A global framework for agricultural trade should lead to a systemic transformation of trade relations to realize food sovereignty, climate justice, and social equity for both present and future generations. It affirms that the implementation of these principles shall be measured by their concrete advancement of human rights, environmental protection, and economic and social equity for all people.

Box 2

Global finance and trade bodies enabling the aggression on oceans, rivers, and fisher peoples

Imperialistic nations’ relentless accumulation of wealth is not only exploiting and expropriating the historical, traditional and Indigenous customary homelands of fisher peoples and coastal communities, but is simultaneously annihilating their  sovereign rights over lands, waters and fisheries, ethnically cleansing and violently uprooting their ways of life, their socio-ecological identities and their cultural belonging from coasts, oceans, rivers, inland waters, mangroves, islands, seas and all their traditional territories.

Ocean and land grabbing, including fisheries, has accelerated through extractive industries (mining, oil, gas); destructive industrial fishing; mega infrastructure projects (waterways, industrial wind farms, pipelines, smart cities, reclamation, port construction); financialized conservation schemes like 30×30 and OECMs (Other Effective Area-Based Conservation Measures); marketization and privatization of nature; and corporate industrial aquaculture (fish factories or blue foods).

Narratives such as “blue growth”, “blue economy”, and “blue transformation” promise sustainability but accelerate grabbing and amount to greenwashing. These initiatives are embedded into national economies through blue finance programs, binding nations to fiscal conditionalities that subordinate sovereignty to transnational capital, reducing even democratically elected states to “rentier states” leasing oceans for corporate profit. This drives the climate crisis and the criminalization of fisher peoples, who resist commodification of oceans, fisheries, and coasts and advocate at all levels against false solutions and territorial grabbing under fraudulent “green” or “blue” claims.

The WTO, International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and free-trade agreements have been used to dismantle national policies that protected people’s sovereignty over natural resources and local markets.

Movements such as the World Forum of Fisher Peoples (WFFP) denounce those who persistently push this agenda, including large international environmental organizations, the World Bank, regional development banks, and corporations; and call for genuine community-led, rights-based development shaped by fisher peoples.

They also remain committed to engaging in legitimate multilateral policy platforms on food, fisheries, agriculture, climate, biodiversity, and human rights to advocate for their political autonomy and customary governance. WFFP and others recognize the FAO, the Committee on Fisheries (COFI), the Committee on Fisheries Subsidies (CFS), and the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) as the appropriate UN bodies for global governance in which social organizations actively participate.

Box 3

The peoples of the seeds confront the tyranny of global trade

From January 19 to 21, 2026, the Latin American Seed Collective hosted the Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal (PPT) in Cartago, Costa Rica, to “highlight the urgency of defending the relationship between peoples and their fundamental crops and seeds”—an ontological relationship dating back to time immemorial, that is crucial for leading humanity and the planet into the future.

The PPT heard about the threats faced by various communities around the world in their efforts to preserve and reproduce their seeds independently of the market, intellectual property restrictions, and biological and digital technologies.

The structure of politics —the PPT explains— has led to food and nutrition being progressively transformed into a sector of the economy, where everything related to sustenance is separated from people’s actual lives and becomes a part of the global market. Oligopolies seek to turn people into a homogeneous mass of consumers, and natural diversity into profitable commodities.

Now that trade is also being used as a weapon of war, an initiative like this is vital.

“The peoples of the seeds,” says the TPP, is a cross-cutting term that transcends borders and refers to those facing diverse yet overlapping and complementary challenges in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. If we do not view it this way, peoples that still care for their seeds and crops find themselves fragmented in the face of the brute force with which global trade is being restructured. In the face of the dismantling of international law, peoples with their seeds can bring sustenance everywhere, challenging not only global capitalism and supply chains, but also the commodification of the foundations of life.

Statement by the Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal.

Box 4

MC 14 Collapses—that’s good!

The WTO’s 14th Ministerial conference (MC 14) held in Yaoundé, Cameroon, has collapsed, without even a Ministerial Declaration. Negotiations on the e-commerce and TRIPS Non-Violation Complaints moratoria, fisheries subsidies, agriculture, WTO reform and a Least Developed Countries (LDC) package have been deferred to the General Council in Geneva.

The collapse is a welcome victory in a larger battle. Although many developing countries refused to let the US and its cohorts advance their agendas through the deception of multilateralism, this is not a straightforward rebellion of the Global South. Many South countries remain wedded to the logic of free trade, advancing proposals that undermine food sovereignty and benefit agribusiness at the expense of working people and small-scale food providers.

For 30 years, wealthy countries have used the rhetoric of rules-based trade and reciprocity, promises of increased development aid, and outright bullying to break alliances among South countries and extract greater concessions from them. WTO rules have always been skewed in favour of former colonizing powers. They lock in outcomes that favour their economies, their elites and their businesses, and consolidate transnational corporate power in food systems, public health and all sectors vital for life with dignity.

But even if competition were perfect and power games eliminated, the WTO framework is unacceptable. We reject the premise that all things on earth and our labour should be treated as merchandise, and a vision of human relations based on perpetual competition.

It is futile to expect any meaningful reform of the WTO that will advance the well-being, rights, aspirations and needs of the working peoples of the world. It is also damaging and dangerous for participatory democracy and accountability, since in too many countries, trade-investment negotiations and agreements are not subject to domestic scrutiny.

While we intensify our core demands of ending the WTO, we also need to use effectively and forcefully the entire body of international human rights law and our governments’ human rights commitments to challenge the power of the WTO over our domestic policies. The rights of working people and small-scale food providers cannot be traded away for corporate profit. We want food sovereignty, not free trade!

For more info read the Yaoundé Declaration: The WTO And Free Trade Cause Hunger, Poverty And Inequality.

In the spotlight

In the spotlight 1

The US demolition of the post-World War II global order and the Global South

A dying global order

In the second year of Donald Trump’s second term, beginning with the kidnapping of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, followed by the war he has waged against Iran alongside Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the US president has continued his demolition of the 80-year-old global order set up by the US in the aftermath of the Second World War.

The dying regime is a structure of rules, practices, and policies maintaining the hegemony of the US and the rest of the capitalist west that was promoted with the rhetoric of freedom, free trade, and democracy. The US has replaced its rules and practices, which were already unfair to the Global South, with the unilateral exercise of coercion and force, and the rule that might makes right.

We are only in the first three months of 2026, but Trump has already succeeded in dismantling the political fictions of the old regime, among them the central principle of the UN that expressly prohibits  “the threat of the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations.”  The kidnapping of Maduro and the assassination of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei were the hegemon’s announcement to the world that no country was exempt from outright, brazen intervention should Trump see it fit to do so. Nor were foreign territories belonging to close allies, such as Greenland, immune from annexation should Trump decide it is in the US national interest to grab them.

Transforming the multilateral economic regime

But before dismantling the political-military fiction of the old regime, Trump assaulted its economic fiction in 2025, resuming what he began during his first presidency, from 2017 to 2021. During that period, he continued the policy of his predecessor, President Barack Obama, of blocking appointments and reappointments to the Appellate Court of the World Trade Organization (WTO), effectively paralyzing the body. But even more brazenly, he declared a unilateral trade war against China, undermining the system of rules and conventions of global trade that the US led in institutionalizing in 1994 with the founding of the WTO.

In 2025, Trump expanded his trade wars to about 90 other countries. Among them were 50 African countries, some of whom received some of the highest, most punitive tariff increases in the world, like Lesotho (50 per cent), Madagascar (47%), Mauritius (40%), Botswana (37%), and South Africa (30%). There was little reason to the rates imposed, though in the case of South Africa, it was partly as punishment for bringing Israel to the International Court of Justice for committing genocide in Gaza.

Foreign aid as an instrument of US policy was a pillar of the old international regime. As Thomas Sankara, one of Africa’s foremost fighters for liberation, observed, “He who feeds you controls you.”  To please his far-right base that did not see foreign aid as important for the maintenance of US hegemony, one of Trump’s first acts, undertaken with Elon Musk, the world’s richest individual, was the abolition of the Agency for International Development (AID). For some, this was a tragedy since USAID programs were allegedly funding important public health and reproductive health projects in the Global South. For others, it was no loss at all since most of the funds for these initiatives went to pay the US contractors delivering or managing them.

But Trump and Musk did not make any move to dismantle or reduce the flow of US funds to the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and regional development banks through which the US channels money for dominating the Global South via “development assistance” or “structural adjustment”, and in which the US has veto power. 

These institutions continue to maintain poverty-creating structural adjustment programs, especially in Africa, promote wrong-headed so-called export-led industrialization efforts even as the US imposes massive punitive tariffs on imports from the Global South, and block all efforts to solve the massive indebtedness of developing countries (over $11.4 trillion).

Towards a global alliance of resistance and change

Trump’s moves are mainly directed at people and countries in the Global South. There is a logic to this strategy since it is mainly the Global South that has shifted the balance of global power and created the crisis of US hegemony. Among the landmarks in this historic process have been the rise of China to becoming the second most powerful economy in the world, the massive defeats of US arms in Iraq, Libya, and Afghanistan over the last 25 years, the rise of Iran as a regional power despite all the efforts of the US and Israel to contain it, the ability of developing countries to stymie the WTO as an engine of trade liberalization, and the rise of the BRICS as a potential counterweight to the western alliance.

Also central to the weakening of the hegemon has been the deepening crisis of the global capitalist regime, the key manifestations of which are the deindustrialization of the US and Europe, the financialization of the leading capitalist economies where speculation rather than production has become the investment of choice, the astounding rise in global income and wealth inequality, and the sharpening contradiction between planetary survival and the ever more intensive drive for profits.

Trump’s regime of unilateralism is savage. But there is no going back to the old regime of US hegemony exercised through a multilateral order systematically biased against the Global South behind a façade of liberal democratic rhetoric. For us in the Global South, indeed, for all who are partisans of justice, peace, and planetary survival, there is no choice but to bravely meet the challenge of navigating the turbulent waters of this period of transition if we are to get to the haven of a new global order that will serve the common interest of humanity and the planet.

In the spotlight 2

State autonomy and small-scale producers’ mobilization are key to strong market regulation, food sovereignty, and a fair-trading system

Strong market regulation and territorial markets are essential for building autonomous food systems and ensuring food sovereignty. By defending national autonomy and using it wisely, countries can effectively implement regulations that prioritize the needs of their small-scale producers. Small-scale producers across regions are mobilizing to demand necessary policy measures that allow them to continue farming, fishing, herding, and producing food for all. Those engaged in family farming often find themselves squeezed by an unregulated global market that prioritizes corporate and speculative interests.

The global pandemic and geopolitical conflicts have highlighted the vulnerabilities of the global trade system and the challenges posed by dependence on imported food and inputs. In Africa, some governments have co-opted the concept of “food sovereignty” to refer to domestic food self-sufficiency through modernized agriculture. Despite this distortion, there is growing recognition of the resilience of family farms and the advantages of territorial markets versus global supply chains.

FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) reports and recommendations from the UN Committee on World Food Security reveal that most food consumed worldwide flows through various territorial markets rather than global supply chains. These markets are linked to local, national, and regional food systems; they are more inclusive and diversified than single commodity value chains, particularly for women and youth. Territorial markets perform multiple economic, social, cultural, and ecological functions, contributing significantly to local economies by allowing wealth to be retained and redistributed at the farm level.

Market regulation is crucial for defending these markets and ensuring fair revenues for small-scale producers, covering their production costs while providing healthy food at stable prices for consumers. This goal requires addressing structural issues through proactive public policies and instruments, such as public food stocks, import quotas, and minimum price regulations.

Over recent decades, market regulation tools have been undermined by structural adjustments and neo-liberal policies that have worsened food insecurity and favored speculation and corporate consolidation in global supply chains, detracting from healthy local food production. The current context presents opportunities to advocate for the reintroduction of regulations at the core of sustainable food systems development.

In West Africa, movements like the Network of Peasant and Agricultural Producer Organizations (ROPPA) implement actions aimed at strengthening market regulation and building local markets to ensure fair prices. These efforts promote family farms and support local food systems that protect markets and develop shorter marketing channels connecting producers with consumers.

Moreover, organized peasant networks often hold agricultural fairs that enhance local and urban markets, positively impacting farmers’ incomes. At the 3rd Nyéléni Global Forum held in Sri Lanka in September 2025, small-scale food producers emphasized the need to generate analyses and evidence for effective advocacy. Movements are working to identify global examples of effective market regulation initiatives supported by researchers to document proactive benefits.

In this challenging geopolitical era, it is vital for non-aligned governments to unite and craft policies that defend their small-scale food producers and protect food sovereignty.

Newsletter no 63 – Editorial

Rethinking global trade in a time of geopolitical tensions

For much of this century, the multilateral system established after World War II has been corrupted and hijacked by a cohort of wealthy, powerful nations that are reshaping the (so-called) global rules-based order and redefining what cooperation, justice, shared prosperity and stability are. Leading the charge is the United States of America, which, through the combined power of capital and military might, is bypassing collective rules and imposing unilateral decisions that are fundamentally reshaping global politics and trade. This has led to a fragile international system where all rules are changeable and brute power determines outcomes.

This is not to say that the besieged international/multilateral system is fair, equitable or democratic. Its foremost bodies—the UN Security Council, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the World Trade Organization (WTO)—have long been instruments to advance the interests of former colonial powers. The bitter irony nowadays is that even the rules imposed by these institutions are in disarray.

Global trade and investment—whether negotiated through WTO agreements, bilateral Free Trade Agreements or Strategic Economic Partnerships—have morphed into weapons in geopolitical conflicts. Tariffs, sanctions, and financial restrictions are wielded not to correct trade imbalances but to exert ruthless political pressure and vanquish nations and peoples. Economic measures target those who dare to chart any alternate path to global capitalism and fascist ideologies.

As the latest war in West Asia shows, these actions ripple far beyond the nations involved. For developing countries, the consequences are devastating. Fluctuating tariffs, aggressive sanctions, and volatile commodity prices threaten working-class livelihoods, strain food systems, and deepen dependence on increasingly unreliable external markets.

Small-scale producers and workers—the backbone of local economies—find themselves caught in a vice of global price swings, escalating production costs and decreasing incomes.

When economic policies are driven by imperial and settler colonial ambitions, the expectation of fair and equitable trade evaporates. Cuba, Palestine, and Venezuela illustrate how trade weaponization combined with colonial assertions leads to the collective punishment of peoples.

However, this moment of crisis also offers a critical opportunity. As faith in existing systems wanes, countries and social movements are rising to demand a renewal of genuine multilateralism—one based on cooperation rather than oppression, and on participatory democracy rather than opaque representation.   

Focus on the Global South, La Via Campesina

Voices from the fields

Voices from the field 1

Shaping the future of Nyéléni through convergence from the ground up!

Tammi Jonas, Australian Food Sovereignty Alliance (AFSA)

Shaping the future of Nyéléni demands a concrete and radical approach grounded in the lived struggles of peasants, fishers, pastoralists, food and fish workers and local communities. At the Nyéléni Global Forum in Kandy, we affirmed that food sovereignty is a political project of liberation, whose strength lies in convergence from below, where we build unity through shared strategies of resistance and transformation.

Accepting the challenge to bring more movements together, AFSA came to Sri Lanka as a delegation of peasants, Indigenous Peoples and labour organisers rooted in everyday struggle against the corporate capture of food and land in so-called Australia. While we organise in a context where settler-colonial capitalism continues to dispossess Indigenous Peoples, and industrial agriculture dominates policy and palates, we also carry concrete victories from the ground that show what food sovereignty looks like in practice.

Through collective organising, we have fought for over 15 years for state and national recognition of the critical role small-scale farmers play in feeding local communities while cooling the planet. We have changed planning laws to support agroecology and processing infrastructure on our farms, resisted oppressive food safety regulation, and embedded the principles of UNDROP in our national advocacy. These wins were not granted by governments—they were won through grassroots mobilisation and democratic organising. This is the approach we brought into Sri Lanka: convergence through organising, not consultation; power built from below, and in solidarity with but not delegated to our NGO allies.

At the forum, we worked in solidarity alongside comrades to defend feminist leadership and youth and gender and sexually diverse peoples’ participation in decision making. We manifested our intersectional approach, advocating shoulder to shoulder with pastoralists, Indigenous Peoples, and workers to ensure their struggles are visible across our collective actions and campaigns. We insist that Nyéléni must remain accountable to social movements, with clear political coordination and collective decision-making led by peasants, Indigenous Peoples, pastoralists, fishers, and food and fish workers.

We came home charged with Nyéléni’s vow to rise against the chains of extractive debt, ready to tear down the lie that our future must be mortgaged to the powerful. Together, we will build a world free from financial imperialism—because the revolution will not be borrowed.

Voices from the field 2

Nyéléni in Kandy: Strengthening Sri Lanka’s social movements

Anuka De Silva, Movement for Land and Agrarian Reform (MONLAR), La Via Campesina

In 2022, due to a severe debt crisis, widespread corruption, the hegemony of power, and high food inflation, the country faced major political, social, and economic crises. People took to the streets demanding political reform, democracy, justice, and national sovereignty. Sri Lankan citizens played a pivotal role in changing the political landscape of the country. This is why the Nyéléni Forum has become increasingly important to us as a social movement.

As part of the IMF’s conditions for the financial bailout, Sri Lanka has been urged to implement a series of austerity measures, which include selling off some government-owned assets. One of the institutions affected by this is the National Institute of Cooperative Development (NICD), which is among the properties under consideration for privatization. With the support of Nyéléni, we stopped the privatization of the NICD.

Why is the Nyéléni Forum important for social movements in Sri Lanka?

Hosting the Nyéléni Forum helped strengthen the collective power of different local struggles and emphasized the importance of solidarity in addressing common challenges. The convergence at Nyéléni brought together grassroots movements to demand collective action aimed at dismantling systems of oppression.

Given the country’s agricultural struggles and food insecurity, food sovereignty is a vital tool to push back against corporate-driven agricultural systems that prioritize profit over people’s well-being. Building a collective vision for food sovereignty and creating a political action agenda through the Kandy Declaration continues to strengthen our movement’s impact. The convergence of struggles and solidarity remains the force that can lead to true transformation — one much greater than a single political change.

It’s clear that the Sri Lankan steering committee for the forum has laid a solid foundation for long-term movement building by keeping the community central to these efforts, aligning local struggles with the broader global agenda, and engaging with the government for policy reforms and real systemic transformation.

Voices form the field 3

Women building systemic transformation

Sarah Luiza and Bianca Pessoa, World March of Women Brazil

Since the 1st Nyéléni Forum, we have affirmed that there can be no food sovereignty without feminism. Building on our achievements, at the 3rd Nyéléni Global Forum, feminism was recognized as a fundamental part of the common political agenda, based on its popular, anti-capitalist, anti-racist, and anti-heteropatriarchal perspective. It is not possible to bring about systemic change without transforming the relationships of inequality and violence experienced by women everywhere in the world. This was our breakthrough: the creation of a common struggle for all who want to see radical change in society and in the world we live in. In this sense, the Women’s Assembly was a fundamental space for convergence.

We had women from all movements, regions, sexualities, and ethnicities, affirming the importance of diversity in this process. Women have a lot to teach. From their different realities, they share experiences of resistance, of building alternatives from the territories, showing that feminism is not an empty banner. It is built from everyday practice.

The impacts of the false solutions of green capitalism displace women from their territories and threaten their lives. That is why women defend the struggle for energy sovereignty and climate justice that is good for the people and not for the market. For us, the solution lies in the territories and in life. In the way women relate to nature and to people. It is the care of life and good living with equality that will, in fact, build a new world.

We affirm feminist economics as fundamental, recognizing women’s work and all their contributions to the social reproduction of life, from the perspective of care, equality, and good living. At the same time, we face daily the violence that heteropatriarchal and racist capitalism inflicts on our lives. Based on this, fundamental banners of the feminist struggle such as equality, freedom, justice, peace, international solidarity, demilitarization, the defence of democracy, rights, and peace, as well as food sovereignty and agroecology, are affirmed and concretized in the 3rd Nyéléni and in the path forward.

Voices from the field 4

Nyéléni and beyond: Indigenous leadership and perspectives in the global movement for food sovereignty

Nicole Maria Yanes, Opata, International Indian Treaty Council (IITC) and NDN Collective

For Indigenous Peoples, Food Sovereignty is a way of life. It carries the survival of our territories, languages, cultures, ceremonies, stories, clothing, and every part of who we are as Peoples. Across the world, Indigenous Peoples’ territories are on the frontlines of colonization and extraction, framed as “sacrifice zones” for military testing, extractive projects, and so-called development. As a result, Indigenous Peoples now face the harshest impacts of the climate crisis caused by governments and corporations.

At the Nyéléni Gathering, Indigenous delegates played key roles. From sharing our communal leadership practices, approaches to consensus-building, traditional knowledge and ceremonies to our grounded experience in advocacy, negotiation, and movement building.

We successfully represented our Peoples collectively, gathering support from global movements for our ongoing efforts including the full implementation of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples; for the UN Food & Agriculture Organization to fulfil its commitment to amend the International Code of Conduct on Pesticide Management to include Indigenous Peoples’ collective rights, especially our right to free, prior, and informed consent; for the UN to separate and not conflate, in all its documents and decisions, the concepts of Indigenous Peoples with local communities; and for Indigenous Peoples’ LandBack work in regaining territories that were illegally stolen.

Though participants came from distinct ecosystems and histories of colonization, Nyéléni reminded us that defending our food sovereignty requires solidarity, collaboration, and shared strategy. Connecting the work we do in our territories to international arenas is not easy and goes beyond us gathering in Sri Lanka. True solidarity takes commitment and a willingness to understand one another’s histories, struggles, and goals across diverse ecosystems, languages, and political realities. In addition, it is important to note that the political agenda and declaration’s impact is dependent on the use and implementation that the people give it through its use.

In moments like these, Nyéléni reminds us that our collective freedom and future are deeply interdependent. Our liberation is bound together. Strengthening alliances across Peoples, regions, and movements is not only a strategy but a responsibility. It is an act of survival in these times of rising fascism and authoritarianism.

Voices from the field 5

From Nyéléni to Belém: the struggle for climate justice as an element of convergence

Martín Drago, REDES/Friends of the Earth International

Those who are responsible for and drive climate breakdown and environmental degradation are inextricably linked to the social, economic and gender inequality that prevails globally. They are also a fundamental part of the construction and perpetuation of the current energy system, around which multinational companies and states in the global North have deepened colonial relations. Therefore, when we talk about climate justice, we are talking about changing the whole system.

To achieve climate justice, we need to transform economic, social, political and energy systems, gender relations and our relationship with nature through the widespread implementation of grassroots initiatives to build a new model based on global solidarity and social, economic, gender, racial and environmental justice.

In order to achieve this, it is essential to strengthen the power of the people and their organizations and to transform the multilateral system based on an internationalist, solidarity-based approach and the integration of peoples. This commitment will be possible through different paths that share common principles, characteristics and strategies, and that lead to the construction of popular power in the way that each people define it in their own territory.[1]

Building climate justice is one such path and is therefore a central element of grassroots efforts to change the system.

Voices from the field 6

Nyéléni – On why RIPESS joined

Ruby van der Wekken, RIPESS

RIPESS intercontinental, the solidarity economy network, responded positively to the Nyéléni invitation to join its process two years ago. Since that moment we have been involved in the Steering Committee for the 3rd Nyéléni Global Forum. RIPESS as such participated in the preparatory process of convergence towards a common political action agenda and travelled with a delegation of 21 representatives from all over the world to the forum in Kandy, Sri Lanka.

RIPESS had already been advocating for 10 years through members present within the Nyéléni process, that working towards food sovereignty can not be achieved without economic systemic change, which importantly implies a changing of the economy as a whole. Whilst movements having joined the Nyéléni process were already familiar with concepts as feminist economy and care economy, the Solidarity economy, both as a methodology and a vision that places community agency and social and ecological values at the core of the building of another economy, was less well known at a global level.

Importantly also, RIPESS joined the Nyéléni process out of an acknowledgment of the great potential the changing of the food system has for systemic change in our communities and through this society, and wants to contribute to this process of change with the values, principles and objectives of Solidarity economy building as a bottom-up transformative process.

Voices from the field 7

Converging struggles in the Global Fight Against Industrial Aquaculture

Feini Yin, North American Marine Alliance (NAMA)

Nyéléni’s “Global Fight Against Industrial Aquaculture” campaign aims to address the pressing challenges created by industrial seafood farming, and to block the further development and expansion of such operations around the world.

Just like agriculture, aquaculture — the cultivation of seafood in the ocean, in freshwater, or on land — can be practiced in many ways. This ranges from traditional and agroecological forms, such as Native Hawaiian fish ponds, to corporate-driven and industrial-scale aquaculture. With the latter, transnational agribusinesses, banks, Big Green NGOs, and governing bodies promote the export of the factory farming model to our oceans, using catchphrases like “blue economies” and “blue revolution.”

In reality, industrial aquaculture displaces small-scale fishers from their livelihoods and territories, pollutes our waters, and furthers the commodification of our foods. The production of fish feed drives greater production of industrial soy and corn. It also plunders small pelagic fish from off the West African coast, extracting protein from the Global South, where millions rely on small pelagic fish for food and livelihood, to produce protein for consumers in the Global North.

This is an umbrella struggle that bridges food sovereignty issues between land and sea, between the Global South and Global North, and across environmental justice, global health, labour, and women’s movements. As a movement of movements, Nyéléni commits to building coordinated campaigns to secure food, health, and economic sovereignty and to resist corporate control over these by stopping and preventing industrial aquaculture and fishing, blue economy, and the privatization of ocean commons.

Voices from the field 8

The importance of public health in guaranteeing food sovereignty

People Health Movement (PHM)

Starting from the definition of food sovereignty (FS), it is obvious that good health within households (including animal health) is key to sustaining FS. The reverse is also true: FS ensures that households have access to sufficient, nutritious food throughout the year to keep their members in good health.

In the realm of Nyéléni, public health (PH) ought to cover preventive measures: a) water and sanitation (and vector control where applicable – such as mosquitos); b) access to a working Primary Health Care infrastructure (including primary curative health and immunizations); c) access to primary animal health; and d) health promotion measures.

Health and nutrition education will be necessary for achieving the above:  we are referring to education that goes beyond technical or clinical aspects – one that explains the structural causes of preventable ill-health, malnutrition, and deaths, and highlights the actions needed to address them.

In the spirit of FS, people must actively participate in decision-making and in monitoring the implementation of these PH components. This is not yet the case and remains a challenge for the Nyéléni constituency. PHM will be able to provide needed inputs and backstopping to our wider Nyéléni community drawing on the activities it has been carrying out for two decades. (PHM has a Nutrition and FS thematic group that met a couple times but has not worked regularly. In parallel, the Latin American region of PHM set up a regional FS group that has been active and successful -they were represented in Kandy).

For all these reasons, PHM enthusiastically joined the Nyéléni 3 Process from the very beginning in the spirit of the right to food and the right to health –and in the shared spirit of jointly tackling the social determination of both. The joint struggle for health, agroecology, and food sovereignty is still in its infancy, and we must emphasize the need to recruit more movements and organizations within Nyéléni to join us in this struggle.

Voices from the field 9

2026: International Year of Rangelands and Pastoralists

Fernando García-Dory, World Alliance of Mobile Indigenous Peoples and Pastoralists (WAMIP)

We, as global pastoralist movement, place a lot of hope in Nyéléni as a space to stand shoulder to shoulder with other food producer movements to examine the current political frame that impacts our livelihoods and lands and to formulate joint proposals for alternatives to the current crisis. We urge other movements to look at our claims, from understanding core aspects of pastoralists’ rights, to expanding agroecology to pastoralism. Nyéléni is a valuable convergence space with other movements that has enabled important achievements, such as the UNDROP (United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas). Next year, 2026, is the UN International Year of Rangelands and Pastoralists. We want to ensure that pastoralists are placed at the centre. FAO and other bodies should understand we represent a model of production with cultural, social, and political value that empowers communities, contributes to the endurance of indigenous nomadic peoples, and advances food sovereignty.

Voices from the field 10

Global advocacy action for migrants and refugees

Paloma Chen, Transnational Migrant Platform-Europe (TMP-E)

The food sovereignty movement present at the Nyéléni Forum 2025 has not been limited to the initial core of small-scale food producers, such as farmers, fisherfolk, pastoralists, Indigenous Peoples, and rural workers; it has also expanded to include feminist and climate justice movements, migrants, conscious consumers, academic researchers, artists.

The struggle of migrant and refugee peoples is inseparable from the struggle for food sovereignty and livelihood. Migration is deeply linked to the corporate global food industry built on exploitation, dehumanization, and utilitarian narratives that reduce migrant workers to cheap labour. The migration struggle is a common struggle for racial, gender, and economic equality, food sovereignty, and a just transition that aims to weave resistance and alternatives to the corporate system that profits from our displacement, repression, exploitation, and death. But sites of food production can also be sites of resistance, dignity, and future-building. Our participation at the Nyéléni Forum is part of a broader effort to strengthen convergence across struggles (from regularization campaigns in Europe to cross-border mobilizations like the Caravanas) to demand housing, health, labour rights, land and food sovereignty and justice for everyone.

Through debates, presentations, workshops, and working groups, the effort at the forum has sought to build a unified political vision against the dominant, patriarchal, imperialist, colonialist, racist, caste-based, and supremacist capitalist system with the production of two political documents: the Kandy Declaration and the Common Political Action Agenda. The Kandy Declaration, read out on September 13 at the forum’s closing ceremony, includes among its next steps actions such as a global day of mobilization against imperialism, genocide, war, and the use of hunger as a weapon. This aligns with the Global Advocacy Action presented by the Transnational Migrant Platform-Europe at the forum on systemic narrative change on migrants and refugees.

Voices from the field 11

When academia meets the movement: Knowledge exchange on the path of convergence

Bruno Prado, Bhoopendra Kuma, Yukari Sekine, Collective of Agrarian Scholar-Activists from the South

At the 3rd Nyéléni Global Forum, in the first ever Dialogue between Researchers/Scholars and Movements at the forum, with over 70 participants, a shared commitment emerged to bring scholars and movements into deeper dialogue, recognizing that the struggles for food sovereignty and systemic transformation are inseparable from the democratization of knowledge.

The Collective of Agrarian Scholar-Activists from the South (CASAS)[2] was invited to contribute to this process, supporting the creation of spaces where researchers, community leaders, and movement organizers could meet as equals: all knowledge-makers and knowledge-holders. These exchanges emphasized that genuine transformation requires horizontal relationships among diverse knowledge systems, where learning flows in all directions.

Across the conversations, participants called for decolonizing knowledge production and challenging extractivist, corporate, and top-down research practices. Scholar activists shared experiences of co-producing knowledge with communities and reaffirmed that research must serve people’s needs rather than the interests of capital.

The discussions also pointed to the importance of building broad, intersectional knowledge coalitions that connect social movements, universities, and public institutions. Participants agreed on the need to support younger and early-career scholar-activists, foster collective research agendas, and communicate knowledge in more accessible ways through community forums, podcasts, and creative visual formats.

Moving forward, the collaboration between academia and movements should continue as a collective and participatory journey. The Nyéléni process reminds us that knowledge is not a privilege, but a shared tool for systemic transformation: grounded in trust, equality, and solidarity, and built through the ongoing convergence of diverse struggles and ways of knowing.

Voices from the field 12

Bridging movements: Unions meet Nyéléni 

Chris Spindler, AMWU, IndustriALL Global Union

Even when the Union movement represents only a minority of workers, it is often the organized labour movement that sets the agenda for industrial and working conditions. This is what capitalist powers seek to break — they want to see an end to organized labour.

Today, the Union movement faces many challenges. In no particular order, and by no means exhaustive: technology and automation; political influence; confronting and organizing against anti-union laws; organizing beyond the workplace – and even internationally. How it responds to these issues will dramatically affect its relevance, growth, and ability to win better conditions for members and the broader community.

The Nyéléni process also presents challenges to the Union movement: to work with broader social and community movements, not just traditional political parties; to strengthen involvement in the community as a progressive force alongside industrial campaigning; and to challenge the political system rather than accept its conservative framework.

The Nyéléni movement opposes the idea that food is primarily a commodity or an export earner, and that countries should compete for ever-higher productivity. Community organizations and Unions, each in their own way, are challenging these assumptions about food and the way the current political system governs it.

Nyéléni 2025 brought together a remarkable collection of committed activists doing extraordinary work in their communities. This is a movement for social change that Unions should engage with and – where possible – join in relevant campaigns.

I began with key questions the Union movement needs to answer for its own sake and for the sake of the wider community, and I believe the Nyéléni process should also reflect on similar issues:

  • How will the Nyéléni process engage with the Union movement, given that we share common ideas but work in different ways and spaces?
  • Are there campaigns where Nyéléni can identify common ground with the Union movement?
  • How does the Nyéléni process move from community and social groups to a movement for social change? Although the forum spoke of fundamental change, this question remained unaddressed.
  • Are there plans – in the near future – to discuss these and any other questions regarding Union involvement?

Nyéléni was an amazing, thought-provoking event – challenging both for my own campaigning work and, I imagine, for many others as well.

Voices from the field 13

Stepping out of the shadows: upholding linguistic rights is also part of the struggle

Collective for the Self-organisation of Interpreting Technologies (COATI)

The Nyéléni process has incorporated Linguistic Justice as an essential practice, recognizing that upholding linguistic rights is also part of the struggle. More than 750 people from around the world participated in the meeting held in Kandy, and for the first time, simultaneous interpretation was provided in 18 languages.

COATI participated in the entire process, providing technology, coordination, and political commitment. Seventy-three volunteer interpreters and four technicians from the Asia-Pacific region were recruited, also contributing to regional technological autonomy.

The Interpreting Working Group (WG) formed a diverse and inclusive team of interpreters, translators and technicians representing different dialects from the global South and North, different ages, genders and activist and professional backgrounds. This diversity, rather than a conscious decision, was a natural consequence of the network that had been built, where the plurality of voices generated a profound human exchange and strengthened collective work for food sovereignty.

COATI also took on an unprecedented technical and logistical challenge, demonstrating that self-management and free technologies can achieve, and even surpass, what market service providers fail to do: support complex processes with care, creativity and cooperation.

Linguistic Justice is an exercise in speaking and listening, which builds equality. Those who make it possible are not mere service providers, but committed individuals who are actively involved in the struggles.

For the first time, the Final Declaration of the Nyéléni Global Forum recognized interpreters and translators as part of the struggles. We want to extend this to all technical teams and volunteers as a fundamental part of collective struggles, since they made it possible for the word to circulate in pursuit of full and fair participation. Our deepest gratitude goes out to all of them, who put their hearts and souls into making Linguistic Justice a living reality at Nyéléni.

More info in the Fanzine produced by COATI (in English, Spanish and French).

Voices from the field 14

Popular Communications at the 3rd Nyéléni Global Forum

Rohan Antony, A Growing Culture

For the 3rd Nyéléni Forum in Kandy, Sri Lanka, popular communications was not an afterthought but a vital tactic in shaping the collective voice and political imagination of the process. It was a way of ensuring that the voices of grassroots leaders echo far beyond the halls where they were spoken, into the everyday struggles that unfold across streets, fields, factories, and communities around the world.

The Nyéléni Communications Space brought together a team of fifteen communicators from movements and allied organisations, alongside a dedicated group of Sri Lankan volunteers. With microphones, cameras, brushes, and pens, they worked collectively and tirelessly to enliven the forum with energy, imagination, and joy, and make the moment accessible to everyone within and far beyond Kandy.

The Nyéléni Radio filled the halls with conversations, reflections, and songs of resistance from across movements. The audiovisual team captured powerful and intimate moments that will shape the visual memory of this gathering for years to come. A text team distilled the day’s debates, decisions, and celebrations into a daily multilingual bulletin, ensuring that every participant, and those following from afar, could stay informed. Through social media and press, updates and voices from the ground reached thousands around the world. The artists transformed walls, walkways, and shared spaces into living canvases holding the emotional truth of the forum, featuring resistance art from around the world, creative corners where delegates could draw, paint, and unwind, and a participatory mural that immortalised our collective moment in Kandy.

This collective effort also revealed a deeper truth: communication is not separate from struggle, but part of it. It is where narratives are contested, solidarities forged, and power reclaimed. The Kandy Declaration and Common Political Action Agenda affirm this by recognising grassroots feminist popular communication as a strategic front for systemic transformation, and by reminding us that sovereignty is not only about control over what we grow, but also about reclaiming power over our stories — stories of who we are, why we resist, and the world we dream of.


[1] Friends of the Earth International (2023) Pathways to system change: Transforming a world in crisis into a sustainable and just future.

[2] Aguiar, D., et al. (2023). Transforming critical agrarian studies: Solidarity, scholar-activism and emancipatory agendas in and from the Global South. The Journal of Peasant Studies, 50(2), 758–786.

In the spotlight

Nyéléni: Building global solidarity for systemic transformation

Eighteen years after the Nyéléni Declaration on Food Sovereignty, the third and expanded Nyéléni process brought together global social movements, organizations, and networks to converge around systemic transformation. This multi-year process united thousands of grassroots groups and allies to develop a strong Common Political Action Agenda (CPAA) advancing food sovereignty, climate justice, and social, racial, and gender justice. It was a major effort to build alliances and shared political strategies across regions and territories. Drafting the CPAA took nearly two years, following multiple regional and global consultations.

Context and process

At the IPC global meeting in Rome (September 2022), strategic directions were agreed upon to continue building the third Nyéléni process. The focus was on multi-sectoral convergence and alliances among movements fighting corporate capture and reclaiming democracy from below, grounded in the food sovereignty movement’s experience. During the second global meeting in Rome (June 2023), new allies beyond the food sovereignty movement joined, and an International Steering Committee was established to guide global and regional processes.

The zero draft of the CPAA was developed by the Methodology Working Group based on the first round of consultations held in 2024 across all regions and global organizations. This participatory, bottom-up process continued in regional consultation meetings:

  • Latin America & Caribbean – Chile (February 2024)
  • North America – Virtual (March 2024)
  • Europe & Central Asia (May 2024)
  • Middle East & North Africa – Turkey (June 2024)
  • Asia-Pacific – Sri Lanka (June 2024)
  • Africa – Ethiopia (July 2024)

The first draft of the CPAA was then presented at the in-person Nyéléni Global Steering Committee (GSC) meeting in Bangalore, India (Aug 31 – Sept 6, 2024).

A second round of consultations (Jan 20 – Mar 14, 2025) allowed regions and global organizations to refine the Common Political Action Agenda and Action Plan. To ensure broad engagement, two global briefing sessions were held (Jan 28–29, 2025). The second draft was submitted to the GSC meeting in Sri Lanka (May 5–9, 2025). The final version was then shared for internal regional and global review and validated by pre-forum assemblies of Women, Youth, and Diversities, as well as regional assemblies and global movement meetings. The process culminated at the 3rd Global Nyéléni Forum in Kandy, Sri Lanka (Sept 5–15, 2025).

Why the CPAA matters

The Common Political Action Agenda lies at the heart of the Nyéléni process. Structured in five sections, it addresses global challenges through an intersectional approach:

  • Section 1: Who We Are — Describes the diverse sectors and actors engaged in the process.
  • Section 2: Why We Take Action — Analyses interrelated global crises rooted in oppression and systemic inequality, including capitalism, imperialism, colonialism, patriarchy, racism, casteism, and discrimination against marginalized communities. It denounces corporate capture of governance, land and resource grabbing, exploitation by profit-driven agro-industries, worsening climate impacts, precarious labour conditions, and “false solutions” promoted by capital-driven systems, including digital colonialism and speculative financial markets.
  • Section 3: What We Seek to Achieve and How — Outlines six thematic areas:
    • People’s democracy and rights
    • Peace and international solidarity
    • People’s economies
    • Food sovereignty and agroecology
    • Land, water, territories, and agrarian reform
    • Health, climate justice, and energy sovereignty
  • Section 4: Strengthening Our Movements — Defines strategies for mobilization, movement building, solidarity, political education, knowledge sharing, and popular communication.
  • Section 5: The Path Forward — Declares a collective pledge for systemic transformation and operational conclusions.

The CPAA aims not just to present proposals but to unify struggles for food sovereignty, economic, social, gender, racial, and environmental justice within a shared systemic vision. Its strength lies in its participatory origin—each section reflects collective analysis, debate, and revision by hundreds of organizations worldwide.

Once finalized, the CPAA will be presented at global convergence events (it will be shared at the World Social Forum (WSF) in August 2026) to strengthen alliances and expand collective action. Facing multiple interconnected and systemic crises, the challenge ahead is to move beyond fragmented efforts and shape a shared future through emancipatory initiatives already being built across movements.

Read the Kandy declaration.